Chapter 7
ARTIFACT AND ACTIVITY
The Material Culture of Domestic Living
Anna Lucille Boozer
Introduction
The excavation in and around B2 produced a wealth of small finds for a house of its size, although comparable houses from Kellis have produced even more finds. Over 300 objects are catalogued from this house and its immediate surroundings. This material culture reveals a good deal about the B2 inhabitants (or Area 1 inhabitants more generally) and their placement with respect to society in Roman Egypt. This chapter provides an overview and summary of the objects presented by material category in the following chapters. Recent thematic approaches to small finds have influenced this approach. Although we cannot conduct broad quantitative comparisons yet within Roman Egypt, it is important to lay the groundwork for these future analyses. Moreover, Roman Egypt can provide critical data that will enable other scholars to track and document changing preferences across the empire through time and space. This chapter represents a crucial step towards the eventual goal of bringing Roman Egypt into our understanding of the Roman World more broadly.↩#p652
There are two aims for this chapter. First, I hope to draw attention to the different individuals and facets of identity that these objects reveal. It is important to start from the understanding that people do not use material culture in clear-cut ways. Moreover, individuals use material culture to manipulate their personas. Sometimes, this persona may be straightforward and reflect a person’s actual nationality or ethnicity, but that is not always the case. Often people make decisions about material culture without significant thought to “performance”. It is equally as important to explore these habitual decisions as it is to explore grand statements.↩#p653
Second, I anticipate that the themes from this chapter will help illuminate finds from contexts found elsewhere in Roman Egypt as well as more broadly across the empire. It is expected that there is no homogeneous pattern within Roman Egypt, but it will be some time before we can make such a statement with certainty. At its most basic level, this ultimate objective entails setting the items within the general assemblage of similar material circulating at the time and seeing if it differs in any way from what might be hypothesized. Any norms for people at particular ages and genders need to be established. Moreover, it remains to be seen if a selected household fits into these trends or cut across them, both within a given settlement and more widely across Roman Egypt.↩#p654
Because finds specialists typically focus on material types for which they have the necessary expertise, the finds from B2 are examined in the following chapters by material rather than by function or theme. This chapter serves as a complementary means of viewing the small finds from B2 by highlighting the functional and meaningful ways in which individuals used the B2 objects. In essence, this chapter aims to address how people consumed and potentially understood objects in the past. The in-depth reports provided in the following chapters will allow specialists to delve into specific categories of material more deeply.↩#p655
The types of objects within this chapter include portable objects and exclude architectural features and elements, as these elements were addressed in previous chapters. Despite this exclusion, the plaster from B2 is included in the section on furnishings and decoration. Moreover, I make links to built spaces across Amheida, where appropriate, to illuminate the use of material culture in the broader urban context.↩#p656
It is worthwhile noting the archaeological contexts from which these objects derived. Summaries of the object find spots are included in the tables. Chapter 20 presents a room-by-room walk-through of house B2 along with an illustration (Figure 20.1) of object densities within their find spots. Most of the objects derived from floor surfaces and dated to the late third and early fourth centuries CE. Therefore we are best able to understand life in the latest phase of occupation in B2, while earlier phases and post-abandonment phases are less well understood through the material culture. Some of our objects derive from sub-floor layers and appear to have been used as packing materials to stabilize floors. These objects cannot be linked to the B2 inhabitants, but they inform interpretations of Area 1 more broadly. Likewise, as many of our contexts were not secure, some of the interpretations of identity might be most appropriately linked to Area 1 rather than to B2 directly.↩#p657
The following themes will be explored: personal appearance, activities, interior appearance, worship and religion, diet and entertainment, cultural affinities, gender, and age. Needless to say, we can explore these themes to varying degrees of plausibility, depending upon the contexts from which the objects derived. These contextual differences have been noted in the analyses below.↩#p658
Personal Appearance
Personal adornment and toilet equipment are the most revealing material goods for telling us about the appearance of people in B2 and Area 1 in the mid-third to early fourth century CE. Personal ornaments occur in moderate densities and include a hairpin, beads, and other jewelry items.↩#p659
Most of these objects were found in occupational levels, which suggest that they might be associated with the B2 inhabitants. Some objects (Inv. 11320, Inv. 3484, Inv. 11453) were used in floor construction. These objects may have originated from the house during an earlier phase of its occupational history or they could have been reused from dump material from outside of the house. Although we cannot connect these objects with the inhabitants, they can inform us about the Area 1 neighborhood more broadly.↩#p660
Table 7.1: Summary of personal appearance evidence from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
Inv. No. |
Find spot |
| Adornment |
Hair Pin |
Bone |
11320 |
R7, DSU 75, floor construction, reliable, possible dump material |
| Adornment |
Finger Ring |
Bronze |
3484 |
R3, DSU 29, floor construction, reliable |
| Adornment |
Finger Ring |
Bronze |
3452 |
R1, DSU 16, occupational, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Glass and Gold |
3496 |
R3, DSU 13, occupational, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Glass and Gold |
3498 |
R3, DSU 13, occupational, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Glass and Gold |
3066 |
R1, F11, floor surface, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Glass and Silver |
3497 |
R3, DSU 13, occupational, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Faience |
3493 |
R3, DSU 18, occupational, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Glass |
11272 |
R6, DSU 47, occupational, reliable |
| Adornment |
Bead |
Glass |
11453 |
R9, DSU 74, floor construction, reliable, possible dumped material |
| Bodily Care |
Perfume, Oil or Medicine Holder |
Glass |
11420 |
R5, DSU 33, windblown sand, unreliable |
| Bodily Care |
Perfume, Oil or Medicine Holder |
Glass |
11415 |
R5, DSU 41, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Bodily Care |
“Bath Flask” (aryballos) |
Glass |
296 |
Street S1, DSU 0, surface, unreliable |
| Bodily Care |
Stirring Rod |
Glass |
3522 |
R2, DSU 8, occupational, unreliable |
Hairpins (acus crinalis or acus comatoria) are common finds in Roman sites across the Empire. These fastenings enabled women to pull their hair away from their face for practical purposes. Hairpins also enabled the users to create complicated and extravagant hairstyles, as evinced by the so-called Fayum mummy portraits. The material used for hairpins could vary widely from bone to glass, and the designs could range from very plain to highly ornamental. The most functional hairpins were made of bone or ivory because they gripped the hair more easily than other materials. The hairpin recovered from B2 (Inv. 11320) is carved from bone with a wrapped hand-carved snake at the head, which has been broken off partially. This hairpin is of a functional variety, although it retains decoration of wrapped snakes, suggesting some level of attention to appearance, and potentially a link to pharaonic symbolism, which commonly employs snakes. This hairpin was found in the room 7 floor construction material placed there during the occupation of B2 and therefore may derive from dumped material outside of the house or from refuse produced within the house.↩#p661
It is clear from the seven beads recovered from B2 that the inhabitants wore necklaces or earrings. Three of these beads incorporate thin sheets of gold between colorless glass, and one has a thin sheet of silver between colorless glass. These beads were not as expensive as beads made of precious metals, but they were of a moderate economic cost. Two additional glass beads imitate the precious stones that more wealthy individuals wore. There is one faience bead, which is the most common bead type found in Roman Egypt, and would not denote any special status. These beads are of a type typically worn by women.↩#p662
Two bronze finger rings were found in B2. These rings imitate more costly gold rings. One of these rings (Inv. 3484) probably belonged to a woman. Another ring (Inv. 3452) probably served as both an ornament and a seal. It perhaps belonged to a man in the house and may indicate commercial activity or have connections to the military since the seal shows a male profile of a cavalryman. It would be difficult to over-estimate the importance of professions and status in the Roman Empire. The role of the military in influencing status and professional identity is particularly pronounced. The image of a cavalryman upon a ring seal may provide meaningful links beteween the cavalry troops stationed at Amheida (or Qasr, nearby) and this neighborhood.↩#p663
The habit of wearing bracelets was common in Roman Egypt from the third century through the Late Roman Period. This common practice can be found in the glass bracelet (Inv. 11606), which was of a typical type worn by women, and it shows one option for jewelry in Area 1.↩#p664
The assemblage of jewelry shows that the family who lived in and around B2 attempted to imitate the more expensive goods owned by wealthier classes. The material, the quality, and the consequent cost of garments and jewelery distinguished the dress of the affluent from that of the ordinary. This assemblage generally reflects a family of moderate economic means, with women who were attentive to current fashions but could not afford the most expensive goods. It is also likely that people took with them the most expensive goods before leaving or that other Trimithitans came into B2 after its abandonment and removed valuable objects.↩#p665
Personal, bodily care can be seen in the toilet equipment recovered. Most of these objects could have been used for medicinal or grooming purposes, while a few items seem to be used preferentially for grooming. The vessels recovered are simple types without many decorative additions. Unfortunately, glassware from the third century is uncommon, and we cannot determine how typical this assemblage would be in contemporaneous domestic contexts. Even so, the presence of these goods indicates that the B2 family indulged in moderately valuable goods for body care.↩#p666
We have architectural correlates to the toilet equipment found in B2. A bathhouse has been exposed partially beneath House B1 and in other parts of Area 2.1 at Amheida. Our understanding of this bathhouse is still developing with respect to its design and dating. Even so, the presence of a bathhouse at Amheida makes it clear that the occupants of Area 1 would have had such activities available to them and would have had a locale with which to use the “bath flask” (Inv. 296) recovered from the surface of the street in front of the house. The practice of communal bathing carries strong associations with the Roman Empire, and we can suggest that at least some of the inhabitants in Area 1 took on this mode of bodily care.↩#p667
Activities
The objects and features from B2 suggest that the inhabitants engaged in a wide range of activities. Documentary sources make it clear that Amheida was a significant and wealthy urban center while this house was occupied. Items recovered from B2 suggest that the occupants here were fairly well off and participated in both domestic and local economic activities.↩#p668
Most of the objects discussed here derived from secure or unreliable occupational levels, which suggests a potential, but uncertain relationship to the inhabitants. Two objects (Inv. 1181, Inv. 3406) derived from unreliable contexts and may only suggest interpretations of Area 1 at Amheida more broadly.↩#p669
Weaving
The B2 occupants appear to have participated in weaving. The extent to which this family wove is uncertain, as the products could have been used for domestic consumption or they could have contributed to small-scale local networks of trade. There are several different categories of material that attest to the potential production of woven goods in B2, including ostraka, loom weights, polishing stones, cloth, and botanical remains. This range of material, some of which derives from reliable contexts and some of which does not, provides more certainty that weaving took place in B2 than single-category assumptions would permit. The botanical evidence of flax in room 3, complemented by additional weaving objects in this same room, provides the most persuasive evidence of in situ weaving in B2.↩#p670
Table 7.2: Summary of weaving equipment from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
Inv. No. |
Find spot |
| Weaving Production |
Loom Weight |
Unfired Clay |
3534 |
R3, DSU 14, occupational, reliable |
| Weaving Production |
Loom Weight |
Unfired Clay |
11880 |
C2, DSU 4, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Weaving Production |
Loom Weight |
Unfired Clay |
11881 |
C2, DSU 7, floor construction, uncertain reliability |
| Weaving Production |
Loom Weight |
Unfired Clay |
11882 |
C2, DSU 4, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Weaving Production |
Polishing Stone |
Stone |
3741 |
R3, DSU 19, occupational, reliable |
| Weaving Production |
Polishing Stone/Hammer |
Stone |
3733 |
R3, DSU 19, occupational, reliable |
| Textile |
Textile Fragment |
Linen |
11526 |
R5, DSU 67, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Textile |
Textile Fragment |
Cotton |
11527 |
R7, DSU 48, above floor, reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Linen Weavers |
Ceramic |
3405+3408 = O.Trim. 1.20 |
R1, DSU 16, occupational, reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Linen Weavers; Tailor or Teamster |
Ceramic |
3406 = O.Trim. 1.21 |
R1, DSU 12, windblown sand below surface, unreliable |
| Botanicals |
Flax |
Botanical Sample |
148 |
R3, DSU 19, floor surface, reliable |
Two ostraka from B2 mention linen weavers (linouphoi). One of these ostraka derives from a reliable context, while the other does not. Four loom weights were found in and around B2. These loom weights were of a type used in the traditional Egyptian method of weaving cloth rather than the Greek style. In addition to this equipment, two polishing stones were found in the same room as the B2 loom weights (room 3), suggesting that they were used to finish off the final cloth product. The botanical sample from room 3 indicates that substantial quantities of flax were used in this area of the house. This data strongly suggests that linen production took place in this room. The close association of various types of weaving goods suggests that room 3 may have been the principal location for this activity or that these goods were stored here when not in use.↩#p671
Domestic weaving was traditionally a female practice in both Pharaonic Egypt and the Roman Empire, while occupational linen weavers in Roman Egypt were often male. As neither the weaving evidence nor the space suggests the presence of a substantial weaving workshop, these goods may be linked to the female occupants of House B2.↩#p672
It is anticipated that all houses would have had textile products within them because people wore them and used them in domestic furnishings. Even so, it is of particular interest that both linen (Inv. 11526) and cotton (Inv. 11527) textile fragments were found in B2. The cotton fragment provides a clear indication of cotton goods used in the oasis during the late third century, which others have argued might have been a significant trade good from Dakhla during the Roman Period.↩#p673
Transportation and Management
It is clear that the people in Area 1 transported and shipped agricultural estate goods and participated in regional well management. These activities are represented in the ostraka recovered from the house as well as small finds and architecture.↩#p674
Table 7.3: Summary of transportation and management evidence from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
Inv. No. |
Find spot |
| Storage |
Basket |
Palm Reed |
11554 |
R6, DSU 47, occupational, reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Jar Tag |
Ceramic |
3518 = O.Trim. 1.200 |
R3, DSU 19, occupational, reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Jar Tag; Agricultural Payment |
Ceramic |
0176 = O.Trim. 1.101 |
1.1 surface find, unreliable |
| Ostrakon |
Agricultural Payment and Account of Loads; Mention of Donkey Drivers |
Ceramic |
3411 = O.Trim. 1.22 |
R2, DSU 15 occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Ostrakon |
Account of Payment; Mention of Camel Drivers |
Ceramic |
3405+3408 = O.Trim. 1.20 |
R1, DSU 16, occupational, reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Mention of Camel Drivers; Teamster or Tailor |
Ceramic |
3406 = O.Trim. 1.21 |
R1, DSU 12, windblown sand below surface, not reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Account of Payment for Wine |
Ceramic |
0175 = O.Trim. 1.1 |
1.1 surface find, unreliable |
| Ostrakon |
Account of Payment for Oil |
Ceramic |
11116 = O.Trim. 1.26 |
R9, DSU 73, floor, reliable |
| Seal |
Ring with Seal |
Bronze |
3452 |
R1, DSU 16, occupational, reliable |
| Trade Good |
Doum Fruit |
Botanical |
06-0003 |
R6, DSU 46, occupational debris, uncertain reliability |
Most of these objects derived from secure, occupational levels. Several objects derived from the surface or close to the surface and cannot be as securely connected to the inhabitants (Inv. 0176, Inv. 3406, Inv. 0175). Even so, they can inform us about the economic relationships within the surrounding area at Amheida.↩#p675
The ostraka recovered from Area 1 produced two examples of jar tags. One of these jar tags refers to Psais the donkey-driver and Magdola, indicating potential deliverers or recipients and a geographic location. Another jar tag designates an individual managing a well on behalf of the well’s owner. The ostraka from B2 also include several payments from agricultural sites named after regional water-wells. The amounts of goods mentioned in the ostraka from B2 are large and the goods reflect estate products such as oil and wine. These documentary sources indicate low-level management of water, trade, and estates. Excavations at B1 provided us with a corpus of ostraka that indicate an individual at a higher level of estate management. The material disparities between these two houses provide a useful aperture into the lifestyles of households with different economic ranks within a similar trade.↩#p676
The small finds recovered from within and around B2 confirm the image indicated by the ostraka. A ring (Inv. 3452) suggests commercial activity within B2 because it probably served as both an ornament and a seal. The remains of a basket (Inv. 11554) were recovered from the house as well, suggesting that the household engaged in transporting goods. Doum fruit was found in B2 and its surroundings, which corroborates evidence from the ostraka that records the distribution of this fruit. The ceramics assemblage includes large numbers of storage and transportation containers.↩#p677
Architectural data adds further supportive evidence that people in Area 1 engaged in estate management and trade. The exterior Courtyard C2 is particularly large and located in close proximity to House B2, although it belonged to the unexcavated house east of B2 (B9). The substantial quantities of dung found here indicate that animals probably resided here. Moreover, the width of Street S1 is the greatest width of any street into or in Amheida, suggesting that this area of the site would be the easiest one for bringing in and taking out large quantities of goods.↩#p678
Interior Appearance
A range of objects from within B2 attests to how the house was once furnished, decorated, illuminated, and secured. This array of data gives us some indications as to how the occupants modified the interior of the house to suit their needs and preferences. Many of these objects originated from occupational levels, except for three lamps (Inv. 7974, Inv. 10011, Inv. 1056). The plaster derived predominantly from above, below and amid wall and ceiling collapse contexts and most certainly derived from the B2 walls and ceiling.↩#p679
Table 7.4: Summary of interior appearance evidence from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
Inv. No. |
Find spot |
| Furniture |
Bed Frame or Chair |
Wood |
11521 |
R5, DSU 67, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Storage |
Basket |
Palm Reed |
11554 |
R6, DSU47, occupational, reliable |
| Storage |
Basket Handle |
Wood |
11519 |
R6, DSU 46, occupational, reliable |
| Security |
Lock Bolt |
Wood |
3523 |
R3, DSU 19, occupational, reliable |
| Decoration |
7 Fragments Red and Yellow |
Plaster |
SUQ |
R1, DSU 1, windblown sand, unreliable |
| Decoration |
2 Fragments Black |
Plaster |
SUQ |
R1, DSU 1, windblown sand, unreliable |
| Decoration |
5 Fragments Black |
Plaster |
SUQ |
R1, DSU 4, collapse, uncertain reliability |
| Decoration |
2 Fragments Black |
Plaster |
SUQ |
R1, DSU 21, occupational, secure |
| Decoration |
3 Fragments Red and White |
Plaster |
SUQ |
R6, DSU 38, collapse, uncertain reliability |
| Lighting |
Lamp |
Ceramic |
8743 |
R2, DSU 20, occupational and floor, unreliable |
| Lighting |
Lamp |
Ceramic |
7974 |
R3, DSU13, collapse, uncertain reliability |
| Lighting |
Lamp |
Ceramic |
10011 |
R7, DSU 49, windblown sand below surface, uncertain reliability |
| Lighting |
Lamp |
Ceramic |
10071 |
R5, DSU 41, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Lighting |
Lamp |
Ceramic |
10155 |
R5, DSU 41, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Lighting |
Lamp |
Ceramic |
10156 |
R5, DSU 40, windblown sand below surface, unreliable |
Furnishings
We know very little about the types of furnishings that would have been present in B2, due to the poor preservation of soft organic remains in this house and at Amheida in general. There is one fragment of wood that could have been part of a bed frame or chair (Inv. 11521). Furnishings such as these were expensive, and therefore there were probably minimal items of wood furniture originally in B2; moreover, they are among the goods most likely to have been removed upon departure.↩#p680
Typically, individuals kept clothing and other woven goods in baskets. Baskets also served as containers for transporting goods. We have evidence of baskets in the form of a sewn plaits basket fragment (Inv. 11554) and the fragments of a wooden handle for what was most likely a basket (Inv. 11519). Unfortunately, these are the only remnants of past furnishings for B2.↩#p681
Decoration
Nineteen fragments of colored plaster were recovered within the B2 collapse debris. The majority of these colored fragments derived from room 1. These fragments indicate that this room was once decorated with red, yellow, black, and white plaster. We also recovered fragments of red, white, and black plaster from room 6. This colored plaster indicates that the occupants modified the interior of their house to reflect their own preferences, since occupants usually chose their own house decorations. Houses from Kellis provide local comparanda that allow us to tentatively reconstruct how this plaster may have been employed. For example, Kellis House 2 from Area A had walls covered in gray mud plaster, while the vault roofs had a red colored plaster over which were painted gray bands along the junction between the vaults and the walls.↩#p682
This local painting scheme bears little resemblance to decorative painting styles in the Fayum. Many of the houses from Karanis, such as House C71F, were painted with a black wash with white paint to outline square panels in the imitation of masonry. Based on our current understanding, decorative painting at Karanis typically employed maroon and black as their primary colors. Although more lavishly decorated houses, such as Amheida House B1, draw more attention as indicators of particular styles, it is clear that even more modest structures sustained local decorative preferences.↩#p683
Looking elsewhere in the Roman Empire we find examples of red being a prominent choice for colored plaster, particularly the shade that we have come to call “Pompeian red.” In the western half of the Empire, preservation of wall decoration is very rare but, of the remaining preserved sites, plain colored plaster (most often red) is found most abundantly. Although these sites are far removed from Amheida, it is significant that red appears to have been the preferred color for a long time within the Roman Empire. The popularity of red is likely due to the local availability and economic nature of materials used for making this color. It is worthwhile noting that red was also a popular color in pharaonic Egypt and is pervasive in modern-day Egypt since red ochre is ubiquitous in Egypt. The color cannot be linked purely to Roman influences.↩#p684
Lighting
Lighting is closely linked to ways of structuring domestic space, activities, and time. Lighting can also be correlated to economic factors, due to the fuel supply required. Olive oil was probably the typical fuel used for lamps, although tallow or wax also could have been employed as fuel. Moreover, it is likely that lighting held symbolic meanings, which may have changed over time and depending upon context. For example, lighting could be used in wall niches not only to illuminate dark spaces but also with reference to household gods who also often resided in niches. Lighting was practical and utilitarian, but it also held a vital role in high prestige scenarios, such as dining. The apparatus used for illumination often had status associations as a result.↩#p685
A number of lamps were found within B2. These lamps are particularly concentrated in occupational levels in rooms 2 and 5. Lamps were also recovered from unreliable contexts in rooms 7 and 3. None of the lamps were of particularly high quality.↩#p686
White gypsum plaster may have served as an additional signature of lighting in House B2. Strips of whitewash around niches and along back walls of rooms would have helped lamps illuminate the dark spaces within houses. These strips of whitewash were found only in room 7 and room 1 but it is likely that they were located in most of the rooms, as indicated by fragments of white plaster found in room 6 amid the collapse, but the walls were not sufficiently preserved to indicate where they were located.↩#p687
Security
The primary evidence for security in B2 exists in the form of bolts. The entrance into B2 retained signs of a socket for a door bolt in wall F32, indicating that the house was secured from the outside world. This type of security measure could be expected in houses, as papyri often contain descriptions of domestic robberies and other crimes.↩#p688
Two joining fragments of a lock bolt were recovered from within room 3 occupational debris (Inv. 3523), attesting to the need for security within the house. This need for security may relate to the estate management that the occupants seem to have participated in and for which there are several strands of evidence. The lock bolt within the house suggests the need for additional security within the house in addition to the entrance bolt.↩#p689
Worship and Religion
Rituals have their place in the domestic sphere in addition to official temple contexts. Coroplastic figurines, amulets, and names bear material witness to religious practices in House B2. Most of the evidence points towards traditional Egyptian belief systems and practices rather than Christianity, although there is indication that Christianity existed in the vicinity during the occupational history of this house.↩#p690
Table 7.5: Summary of worship and religion evidence from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
Inv. No. |
Find spot |
| Amulet |
Bes |
Faience |
3233 |
R2, DSU 2, windblown sand, unreliable |
| Amulet or Figurine (?) |
Hybrid Animal |
Sandstone |
3516 |
R2, DSU 17, occupational, reliable |
| Ostrakon |
Mention of a Bêkis διάκων, or Deacon |
Ceramic |
11116 = O.Trim. 1.26 |
R9, DSU 73, floor, reliable |
| Figurine |
Male Body |
Limestone |
11509 |
R7, DSU 49, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Female Head |
Ceramic |
11627 |
S1, DSU 5, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Seated Female |
Ceramic |
11628 |
S1, DSU 3, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Animal? |
Ceramic |
11633 |
S1, DSU 3, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Unknown |
Ceramic |
11915 |
S1, DSU 9, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Horse and Rider? |
Ceramic |
11916 |
C2, DSU 1, windblown sand, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Horse? |
Ceramic |
11914 |
C2, DSU 1, windblown sand, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Female Head |
Hand-made Ceramic |
11920 |
C2, DSU 4, occupational, uncertain reliability |
| Figurine |
Human Appendage |
Ceramic |
3519 |
R3, DSU 29, unreliable |
The third century in Egypt began with traditional religious practices continuing strongly and closed with Christianity becoming increasingly publicly visible, but it was not yet a dominant social component. Onomastic analysis, although imprecise, suggests that in the last decades of the third century little more than ten per cent of the Egyptian population may have been Christian. In the third century, a decline in temples had begun, and the most recent surviving Egyptian manuscripts come from sanctuaries that were abandoned together with their associated settlements in the third century. Moving into the fourth century the religious landscape became increasingly Christian. As B2 seems to have been occupied in the late third and early fourth centuries, the proportional evidence of Christian and traditional religious indices seems to complement the general trends.↩#p691
Most of these religious objects derived from contexts with uncertain reliability as well as from the street and exterior courtyard. Rooms 2, 3 and 7 are the only rooms in the house with occupational level evidence of religion.↩#p692
There was a fluid boundary with magic in the case of domestic cults. The differentiation between religion and magic, or cult and magic practices is a difficult one in Egypt. The power of incantation (ḥk3) was an integral component of the official temple cult as well as an instrument of cult activity and religious practice. Small sculptural artifacts, terracottas, were made primarily for home worship. These terracottas were stored in niches in walls or on wooden shelves that served as house shrines. Many of these terracottas were apotropaic in character.↩#p693
We recovered two potential amulets from room 2. Amulets are commonly defined as powerful or protective objects worn or carried by a person. In Egypt, this definition might be extended to include larger objects that operated through physical contact, such as headrests and statuettes. Some amulets were used on a temporary basis in liminal or critical situations; others were worn on a regular basis for permanent protection or to promote success. Magical papyri from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt attest to the fears that plagued individuals regarding the supernatural threats against which amulets provided protection. According to Pinch, most Egyptian jewelry had amuletic value, though it is hard to say how conscious individuals were of the symbolism of their jewelry when they wore it. On the other hand, many amulets probably required spoken or performative magic to reinforce their potency.↩#p694
A faience amulet (Inv. 3233) in the shape of the god Bes was recovered from windblown sand in room 2. Bes was a dwarf represented frontally faced, naked with a lion tail, widespread legs, human face with leonine hair, and a protruding tongue. He often wore a feathered crown. Bes was a very popular household/cultic deity throughout Egyptian history, and his popularity extended into the Roman period. Women and children, in particular, often wore Bes amulets to protect them against perils in childbirth and infancy. These amulets were often strung onto a necklace with different types of beads. Bes was very popular as a source for names at Kellis but appears less often in names found at Amheida so far. During the Roman Period, Bes became important as a phallic deity, perhaps because he was reminiscent of Greek gods such as Priapus and Silenus, and took part in phallic rituals relating to Osiris. During this period, Bes could be found in the form of tattoos, which could signify sexual status, cultic affiliation, or apotropaism on the part of the wearer.↩#p695
Another amulet or figurine (Inv. 3516), made of limestone, was found associated with the top floor level in the eastern portion of room 2. It almost certainly represents an animal, given the presence of two eyeholes drilled in front with a possible beak between these eyeholes. It also has two front legs/paws. It is unclear how to interpret the protective attributes of this object.↩#p696
Amulets were extremely popular during the Roman period, and many foreign motifs and materials were imported into the Egyptian system of apotropaic practices. It is difficult to determine if jewelry that was not traditionally Egyptian, such as the finger-rings found in B2 (see above), were imported into traditional Egyptian meaning systems of protection. The protective role of Bes is more clearly understood. It has been argued that women and children wore permanent amulets more often than did men, since children are typically at a greater risk of disease and suffered from high mortality rates, and women experienced considerable risk during pregnancy and childbirth.↩#p697
Figurines are a highly debated category of material, although recent scholarship suggests that households viewed figurines as cult objects for service in popular worship. It is clear that terracotta figurines stood in homes, since the primary contexts of extant figurines derive from houses, and most figurines relate to the house and public festivals. Within houses, inhabitants placed figurines in niches. They often performed ceremonies that merged domestic with “official” religious practices. Seventy percent of the figurines in Area 1 were found on the peripheries of the house—in the street and the exterior courtyard—with the exception of the limestone statuette (Inv. 11509) and a fragment (Inv. 3519). It was common to find these figures deposited in streets at Karanis, which may indicate a need to remove these cultic objects from houses upon abandonment. The more identifiable fragments of figurines from the vicinity of B2 indicate women, a man, and several animals that could have been used for transportation. An unfired miniature clay lamp (Inv. 11917) also may be linked to household shrines, since miniature lamps were often joined with terracotta figurines.↩#p698
The ostraka provide additional glimpses of religious beliefs within B2 and its surroundings. These ostraka generally indicate traditional Egyptian naming practices focused upon Egyptian deities and their Greek equivalents. None of the ostraka contains Christian names. The presence of Christian names within Amheida House B1, by contrast, may indicate the rapidity with which Christianity spread when Constantine came to power. Most of the attested names from Area 1 ostraka are based on Amoun, Horus, and Shai, who were popular oasite gods in the Roman period. At least 18 of the names from Area 1 are of this type. Ostraka found elsewhere on site indicate that other individuals at Trimithis followed this same naming pattern. Other deities that appear in the ostraka include variants for other Egyptian deities, most notably Sarapis and Sarapion. The demotic texts include a proper name with the element Wsir, for Osiris. One ostrakon, which derives from a secure floor construction context in room 9, mentions a deacon, which suggests the presence of a church or church hierarchy towards the end of the B2 occupation.↩#p699
A Christian structure (B7) was discovered at Amheida, which definitively indicates the practice of Christianity at Amheida; this structure is currently undergoing excavation. Traditional Egyptian religion is easier to link to excavated structures, although Amheida’s temple was largely pillaged for portable objects in antiquity, and again in the Ottoman Period and later. The remains of this temple indicate that it was one of the most important temples in the oasis and that Thoth, the Egyptian god of writing, was the principal deity. Other local deities, such as Seth, also feature prominently in the recovered reliefs from the temple. It is possible that Amheida’s temple was still a conspicuous city monument at the time that B2 was occupied, although we know little about the temple mound during this period.↩#p700
Diet and Entertainment
Food preferences and preparation procedures are cultural indicators. Cross-cultural research has indicated that foodways tend to be more conservative than many other features of society. Individuals will continue to prepare ancestral foods in traditional ways long after they have modified other types of behavior in response to broader social changes. Likewise, table luxury offered an exclusive language for self-expression and status-expression in the Roman Empire. The foods and wares used in entertainment can reveal much about the identities and status of B2’s inhabitants.↩#p701
Ceramics
Local Oasis cook pots dominate the cooking assemblage. There is also homogeneity in the forms that center upon local forms and fabrics. Unlike with House B1, there is no meaningful quantity of imported ceramics or ceramics that imitated goods found elsewhere in the Roman Empire or even from the Nile Valley. Moreover, the goods are predominately functional wares rather than decorative. The majority of the ceramics were containers for transport and storage, cookwares, and containers for preparation and serving food. These highly basic wares suggest little investment in the presentation of foods. Instead, the assemblage appears to be primarily functional.↩#p702
Glass
Tablewares dominate the glass assemblage from B2. There are significantly more open forms than closed forms, and the most common categories are goblets and beakers used as drinking vessels. The second most common forms are shallow bowls and plates used for serving food. Little is known about common glass tableware from third century Egypt, although the shallow bowls and plates from B2 seem to be ubiquitous in Roman Period contexts. This glassware assemblage suggests that group eating and entertainment took place in B2.↩#p703
Faunal and Botanical Remains
Both faunal and botanical remains indicate that the family consumed a diet that was broadly comparable to other sites in Roman Dakhla, such as Ain-al-Gedida and Kellis. Chicken (in the form of faunal and shell remains), traditional wheat sources (emmer wheat), and local plants dominate the assemblage. The extensive use of chicken is typical of Roman sites, throughout the Empire, while the rest of the faunal assemblage bears a closer resemblance to traditional Egyptian subsistence patterns from the Neolithic period onwards. Pig, which is common at Roman sites, was absent from Area 1. Pig was certainly consumed during the Pharaonic era as well, but it is notable that Area 1 lacked pig, while Area 2 at Amheida, as well as other local sites, had pig faunal remains in abundant quantities.↩#p704
Emmer wheat was found in large quantities in Area 1, and particularly in room 1, where it may have been processed. This traditional Pharaonic grain occurred in singular quantities in B2, and the most comparable known site for this density is Kellis Area C1. The reliance upon this traditional crop during a period where hard wheat had become dominant since the Ptolemaic period is worth future exploration. Barley occurs frequently as well, and could have been used both for porridge and for beer; donkeys also ate barley. Grapes and dates occur with great frequency within B2. Vegetables and herbs common to Egyptian cuisine, such as onion and garlic, are missing from the B2 botanical assemblage, although an argument based upon absence of evidence cannot be substantiated given the conditions of preservation in B2. The lack of many spices and more exotic additions to foods suggests that the occupants had a basic diet without much elaboration.↩#p705
These data indicate that women continued to prepare foods in methods common since the Dynastic era. Intriguingly, women did alter their cooking behavior in one significant way: they cooked within the house rather than in an exterior courtyard. This shift in food preparation practices would have had a significant impact on the rhythms of daily life, both for the women who cooked as well as the rest of the family, since women spent a significant percentage of their time preparing food. Women would have spent more time in the house than outside it.↩#p706
The primary evidence of feasting or eating to impress comes in the form of ceramic and glass vessels. The glass serving vessels reflect the Roman Period glass norms, while the ceramic serving vessels reflect a low economic bracket of product. These results, along with the botanical and faunal data, indicate basic food consumption practices without significant attention to display. These results also confirm the hypothesis that food consumption patterns shifted more slowly than other cultural habits. The contrast between consumption and preparation habits is notable and noteworthy of future examination.↩#p707
Cultural Affinities
It is challenging and of contested value to try to disentangle the many strands of ethnicity in Egypt in the third and fourth centuries CE. Immigrants had been coming to Egypt for hundreds of years, and Mediterranean influences penetrated into society slowly but surely. Amheida was an important city that seems to have drawn in a range of immigrants due to the economic activities there. It is still unclear where these immigrants came from as well as what their ethnic backgrounds may have been. Despite these uncertainties, it may be possible to hazard some suggestions about the cultural affinities the occupants of B2 expressed through their material remains.↩#p708
Table 7.6: Summary of ethnic affinity evidence from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
| Egyptian |
Amulets |
Faience |
| Greek |
Figurine |
Limestone |
| Egyptian |
Figurines |
Ceramic |
| Egyptian |
Loom Weights |
Clay |
| Egyptian |
Emmer Wheat |
Spikelet forks and glumes |
| Egyptian |
Faunal Data |
Fauna |
| Greek |
Greek Language Ostraka |
Ceramic |
| Egyptian |
Demotic Language Ostraka |
Ceramic |
| Egyptian |
Adornment (Hair Pin) and Other |
Various |
| Roman |
Finger Ring (3452) |
Bronze |
In every society, names and name systems identify several aspects of identity: gender, family, social class, ethnicity, religion, and cultural identity. The choice of a Greek or Egyptian name may reflect cultural preferences. After the reform of 202 CE, wealthy metropolites often gave their children a Greek name, indicating their change in status. Meanwhile, women more often continued to bear Egyptian names. The naming practices in B2 relied primarily upon traditional Egyptian gods and names, suggesting cultural ties to Pharaonic deities and, particularly the central deity of Amheida (Thoth).↩#p709
Other material signatures bear witness to cultural ties with Pharaonic traditions. The amulets, which are described in more detail above, rely upon traditional Egyptian magico-religious beliefs. Likewise, the figurines recovered from the house complement this picture, although Romano-Egyptian figurines involve a complicated intertwining of traditionally Greek and traditionally Egyptian practices. Although the practice of terracotta figurine making was imported to Egypt, the way in which households made use of terracottas signified an Egyptian practice. Foodways, as discussed above, contribute to a multicultural, yet predominantly traditional assemblage of cuisines.↩#p710
Some of the objects of adornment carry yet more ambiguous ethnic affinities. The bone hairpin (Inv. 11320) and the finger ring with a seal (Inv. 3452) bear iconography linking them, respectively, to Pharaonic Egyptian and Roman traditions. Hairpins are common across the empire, and they could have been used to reproduce au courant Roman hairstyles.↩#p711
During the third and fourth centuries CE, Roman Mediterranean material culture reflected both Roman and Greek traditions. We can see these reflections in the texts, adornment, figurines, and architecture recovered from B2. All of ostraka recovered from B2 occupational levels were written in Greek, indicating the transition to the use of Greek in Romano-Egyptian transactions by this period. The use of Greek is to be expected in this late phase. Likewise the bracelet and beads recovered are typical of the Roman Mediterranean at this time. A single, limestone figurine (Inv. 11509) draws on Mediterranean, and particularly Hellenistic traditions, as it represents a corpulent, unclothed male figure. It may be telling that the most durable, work-intensive figurine follows Greek Mediterranean traditions, rather than Egyptian. Little can be argued about the implications of these cultural affinities without quantitative assurances.↩#p712
As a complement to these data, the architecture of B2 shows ambiguous affinities. The building methods and materials are typically Egyptian, but the architecture was strongly influenced by Roman Mediterranean uses of space, particularly in the clustered patterns of rooms and the incorporation of cooking spaces into the house.↩#p713
Gender and Age
It is often risky to ascribe a particular gender, age, and affiliation to individuals through using material culture. Often the link is weak or based upon documentary sources, so archaeological conjectures replicate previous biases found in texts. Archaeologists often assume that adult men used the majority of material culture. Alternatively, women, children, and the aged must be “found.” This default practice leaves our understanding of all of these groups, including men, poorly understood. With these concerns in mind, I consider the material recovered from B2 from the vantage of divergent age groups and genders. Naturally, all of the individuals within B2 (or the general neighborhood) probably had access to and made use of many of the objects found within the structure.↩#p714
Table 7.7: Summary of gender and age evidence from House B2.
| Category |
Simple Name |
Material |
Number |
| Male |
Statuette |
Limestone |
1 |
| Male |
Finger Ring |
Bronze |
1 |
| Male |
Ostraka |
Ceramic and Clay |
22 |
| Female |
Finger Ring |
Bronze |
1 |
| Female |
Loom Weights |
Unfired Clay |
4 |
| Female |
Hair Pin |
Bone |
1 |
| Female |
Bracelet |
Glass |
1 |
| Female |
Beads |
Various |
7 |
| Female/Children |
Amulets |
Various |
2 |
| Children |
Figurine |
Clay |
1 |
| Children |
Miniature Lamp |
Clay |
1 |
| Children |
Disc |
Ceramic |
1 |
Women
The majority of the female goods to be found in B2 were the ceramic cook pots, which concentrated in room 5, and the bread oven in room 7. The concentration of loom weights in and around B2 may also be linked to the female production of cloth. In addition to these functional goods are several objects of adornment; the finger ring (Inv. 3484), a hairpin (Inv. 11320) and seven beads. Moreover, it is likely that the two amulets recovered (Inv. 3233 and Inv. 3516) can be linked with women and children.↩#p715
Children
The archaeology of children is always a difficult affair, particularly when dealing only with material culture. It is important to be mindful of children, particularly in situations of cultural change, since children are “socialized” to behave in certain ways by their parents. In situations with multiple ethnic affinities in play, considering how families pass down social ethnic knowledge is an important means of considering cultural change. For example, the schoolroom found in Area 2 indicates that children in that area of the site were educated in a traditional Greek manner, which may have been an important component of identities in that area of the site.↩#p716
Children in B2 may be indicated by the presence of amulets (Inv. 3233 and Inv. 3516), which often were used to protect children from danger during fraught moments of childhood. Although the Bes amulet (Inv. 3233) was found in an unreliable context, it does indicate the persistence of traditional practices in Area 1. The other possible amulet (Inv. 3516) was found in a secure context in the same room, which helps to justify this suggestion. This apotropaic Egyptian custom socialized the children in B2 with respect to domestic Egyptian beliefs and magic. Children also may be indicated by the presence of a miniature clay lamp (Inv. 11917), a possible gaming piece (Inv. 11918), and a hand-made figurine head (Inv. 11920), which were all found in Courtyard C2. The category of “toy” is always hazardous in archaeology, but these miniature items seem to be likely possibilities for this suggestion. It is equally possible that adults made use of these objects.↩#p717
Men
When avoiding the tendency in archaeology to link material goods with adult men, we find few material goods that specifically link to male occupants within B2. The texts found within B2 most likely signify a male presence, because literate persons were more likely to be male than female. Also, men are indicated by the presence of a finger ring seal (Inv. 3452) and the other goods linked with trade and transportation (see above). A naked male figurine (Inv. 11509) also indicates perceptions of masculinity.↩#p718
The Aged
We cannot directly link any material goods in B2 to an older demographic. Even so, it is likely that older men would have taken on cultic roles linked with the recovered figurines from B2 and its surroundings since older men often served important cultic roles.↩#p719
Discussion
This chapter presented the range, social links, and value of the small finds from B2 and its surroundings. In summation, it appears that the people who occupied House B2 were a mid-level economic group, occupying neither the extreme high nor the extreme low end of society at Amheida. There are indications that men, women, and (less clearly) children once occupied House B2. The possibility of aged occupants must also be considered. The ethnic affinities of this household are complicated, as both Roman Mediterranean and Egyptian signatures can be found in the assemblage. Even so, it is of interest that the Egyptian material culture appears to align more with the women and children who once lived in Area 1 than the men, as can be seen in the evidence of food preparation, amulets, adornment, and weaving. The few male-linked objects seem to have been more Romano-Egyptian in character.↩#p720
This survey of the themes to be found within the B2 house strongly suggests the nuances to be found within single domestic structures. It is these nuances that are lost when we do not explore individual structures holistically. The final chapter will draw these themes together with the built space of B2 in order to more fully interpret the lived space of this house.↩#p721
