The Quartier du Stade on late Hellenistic Delos:
a case study of rapid urbanization
(fieldwork seasons 2009-2010)

Introduction

Delos, home of the sanctuary of Apollo since the archaic period, underwent a period of rapid economic development after 167 BCE, when the Romans put the island under Athenian dominion and turned it into a commercial base between the East and the West. Due to its advantageous geographical position, Delos had attracted traders from Greece, Macedonia, and the Hellenistic East as well as dealers from Rome since the third century BCE. In between 167 BCE and the sacks of 88 and 69 BCE, the island, though primarily addressing the regional market of the Cyclades, became an intermediary step in Rome’s commercial relations with the Hellenistic east.¹ The accelerated urbanization, attested by the formation of new neighborhoods and the maelstrom of redevelopment in the existing urban and port areas of the island, as seen in the massive constructions of docksides, warehouses and markets, was the result of this economic development and the unprecedented demographic growth that it generated.² My study focuses on one of the newly-formed neighborhoods of Delos in this period, the Quartier du Stade. By analyzing the changes in the houses and the overall urban development of this neighborhood, my aim is to examine the relations between the forces that shaped the city of Delos in this period, such as economy, politics, ideology, and the major urban components, for example, architecture, landscape, infrastructure. In doing so I hope to address alternative ways of approaching the city in the ancient world. In this paper I outline the parameters of this research by addressing the religious and economic network of Delos and its subsequent appropriation in the late Hellenistic period, and present the preliminary results of my fieldwork on the Quartier du Stade in 2009 and 2010.⬈#p0

Although numerous archaeological excavations have probed the city of Delos for over a century and recent comprehensive studies have adjusted our understanding of Delian architecture,³ the nature and history of urbanism on Delos remains a surprisingly understudied topic. Only preliminary thoughts have been expressed on the urbanization of Delos,⁴ while the only comprehensive study on the urban growth of the island (Papageorgiou-Venetas 1981) has been rightly criticized for misapplying modern urban planning principles and quantitative methods.⁵ Rather than providing an architectural history of the buildings or a catalogue raisonnée-style publication of one class of material culture, my project sets the larger goal of using the “Quartier du Stade” as a case study of rapid urbanisation.⬈#p1

Drawing on current developments and debates in the fields of Hellenistic economy,⁶ and contemporary urban studies,⁷ the project will address the relations between the forces that shaped urban growth and major components of the city texture on late Hellenistic Delos. Although this project focuses on a specific case study of urban growth, its ultimate goal is to offer an alternative way for approaching the urbanism of ancient cities. By examining the agents, relationships and consequences of the accelerated development of the late Hellenistic city of Delos this project will identify a model of urban growth that to date has been overlooked in the study of ancient cities that have focused on the idealized concepts of the Hellenistic and Roman urban environments, such as monumentality and town planning. The rapid urbanisation of Delos may be compared to far more accelerated developments of the growing commercial centres in Asia and the Gulf Region today. Historical paradigms of this model of informal urban growth will further the understanding of the ties between economic and urban developments today.⬈#p2

Religious and economic network of Delos

Delos was an important cult center from early on whose activity was inextricably linked to its economic role. Due to its advantageous geographical position in the center of the Aegean world, Delos commanded a huge cult network that intertwined religious with economic and political activities from the archaic period onwards. This network was primarily for the islanders but at times it was used to stake claims for the Ionian peoples, that is, one of three major linguistic/cultural groups of Hellenes. Communities competing for political power and leadership exploited the cult network of Delos over time: Ionians, Athenians, the successors of Alexander and finally Romans.⁸⬈#p3

There are three key moments in the history of Delos that are relevant for my discussion of the urban growth on Delos: the first Athenian dominion, the period of independence and the second Athenian dominion. In 478 BCE, at a time of insecurity after the Persian Wars, the Athenians created a maritime confederacy with Delos as its seat and by the end of the fifth century BCE they resumed the administration of the sanctuary.⁹ During this period, in 426 BCE, the Athenians purified the island; they removed tombs of all who had died on the island and issued a proclamation that in future none should be born or die on the sacred island; pregnant women and dying persons must be ferried across to Rheneia.¹⁰ This important moment marked the character of the urban settlement on Delos and its subsequent growth. With no tombs to mark the limits of the city, Delos on the one hand evades traditional categories of the ancient city and on the other presents a unique opportunity to reexamine the factors that shape the ancient city.⬈#p4

Delos gained its independence in the early Hellenistic period, when the successors of Alexander distributed the provinces of Alexander’s empire. In between 315 and 313 BCE Antigonos Monophthalmos created the koinon of the Nesiotes, first confederacy of the islanders proper (versus the Ionians), and set Delos as its seat. The euergetism of the Antigonids modified the physiognomy of the sanctuary in this period; for instance the Portico of Philip V, king of Macedon, towards 210 BCE (GD 3), the South Portico, towards 250 BCE (GD 4), and the Portico of Antigonos Gonatas, king of Macedon, 250-225 BCE (GD 29).¹¹ Furthermore, due to the increasing role of Delos as a commercial center of the Cyclades in this period, a multitude of cults is attested on the island: for instance, the cults of Egyptian gods (e.g., Serapeion A [GD 91], and Serapeion C [GD 100]) and the cults of the Syrian Gods (GD 98, Sanctuary of Syrian Gods).¹²⬈#p5

But the prosperity of the Delian commerce began with the decision of the Roman Senate to make it a “duty free” port in 167 BCE under Athenian suzerainty. The senate guaranteed duty-free status to the port of Delos (through a grant of ἀτέλεια) prohibiting the Athenians from levying import and export duties on any of the trade passing through the harbor. This decision was taken at the end of the Third Macedonian War, in a series of conflicts fought by Rome in order to gain control of the Mediterranean basin. The Senate wished to destroy the commerce of Rhodes – the major power in the Aegean. Indeed Rhodes experienced massive trade shrinkage at the end of the second century BCE.¹³ The growing commercial importance of the island of Delos was not only a consequence of the grant of ateleia in 167 BCE, but also of other equally important developments such as the Roman destruction of Carthage and Corinth, the rapid collapse of the Seleucid empire in the latter half of the century and the creation of the Roman province of Asia in 129 BCE.¹⁴ Strabo, a Greek geographer writing at the very beginning of the first century CE, says that the merchants (οἱ ἔμποροι) changed their place of business from Corinth to Delos following the destruction of the former in 146 BCE for two reasons: they were attracted first by τῆς ἀτελείας τοῦ ἱεροῦ and second by the good location of the harbor, “as it is on the sea-route from Italy and Greece to Asia” (Str. 10.5.4). Because Delos was a shrine, it had become an international town; because it was an international town, it became a place of commerce.¹⁵⬈#p6

According to the literary sources (Strabo, Pliny, Pausanias and Lucilius), slaves and luxury goods from the Middle East were traded through Delos. Pausanias (3.23.3-6) described Delos at this time as the trading station of all Greece. Pliny (HN 34.9) reported that the mercatus in Delo was concelebrante toto orbe, more specifically after the development of the Roman shipping lane to Asia (so after 133 BCE). The contemporary poet Lucilius referred to the mighty port of Puteoli as “a lesser Delos” (Paulus, ex Fest. 88.4: ‘Minorem Delum’ Puteolos esse dixerunt…unde Lucilius-- inde Dicarchitum populos Delumque minorem [=Lucil.118]). Strabo described Delos as the location of a trans-Mediterranean slave trade to the agricultural estates, mines, shops and households of the Roman West (Str. 14.5.2).¹⁶ However, no physical remains have ever been identified on the island to confirm the importance of the slave trade.¹⁷ Luxury items, such as perfumes, spices, unguents, incense, gems, statues, metals, dyes, glass, tapestries, textiles and linens – all originating in the Middle and Far East – were credited to the commerce of Delos including highly prized Delian bronze statues (Plin. HN 34.9):¹⁸ sculptor ateliers, for instance the boutiques on the south side of Agora of Italians (GD 52), fabrication of auloi, for instance the boutique at the Monument du granit (GD 54).¹⁹ Pliny reports that Delos became a production centre for the perfume trade, a point reinforced by the number of unguentarii who are recorded amongst Roman-Italian families on Delos whose professions are recorded in epigraphic or literary evidence from Italy.²⁰ Since the raw materials for this manufacture had to be imported from further east, Pliny’s evidence confirms the importance of oriental luxuries as a component of Delian trade. Archaeological evidence also points to the existence of perfume, purple dye, glass jewelry, sculpture and terracotta figurines production on Delos (purple-dye production: GD 79.1, GD 80.1 and at the bay of Fourni; perfumeries: GD 79, GD 66, GD 50, GD 120, GD 118; sculpture ateliers: shops 103 and 106 at SW corner of the Agora of the Italians [GD 52]; glass production: shops to the west of the Maison des Stucs [GD 87], south of the Samothrakeion [GD 93] and in the area of the Aphrodision [88]; coroplastic workshops: shop at the south side of Agora of the Italians [GD 52], Quartier du Théâtre, Insula VI, Maison B).²¹⬈#p7

Demographic and urban growth

From a population of about 1,500 to 2,000 in the period of the independence, it gained an estimated amount of roughly 15,000, during the period of the second Athenian dominion. It has been suggested that the island reached a population of 20,000 to 30,000 residents at its peak.²² However there is no firm evidence – inscriptions give evidence for 1,200 citizens and a population of about 6,000 at the beginning of the first century BCE. During this period the island is characterized by its cosmopolitan character. The majority of the new residents of the island were from the eastern Mediterranean and the Italian peninsula.²³ While some eastern merchants at Delos came from cities as close as western and southern Asia Minor, the majority came from places further abroad, including Antioch, Berytus, Tyre, Sidon, Alexandria, and from more exotic points still further east, such as Gadara, Heliopolis, Arabian Nabataea, Gerra on the Persian gulf and in one instance from as far away as Minaei in south Yemen.²⁴ The largest ethnic contingent of the island was, however, Roman-Italian.²⁵⬈#p8

But whereas the occupation is so diverse the architecture is quite uniform, attesting to what has been termed an architectural koine. Contrary to later tendencies to “Romanize” settlements, what we see on the island is a total adaptation of the local building techniques with a religious/ethnic flavor attested in inscriptions, paintings and sculptures.²⁶ Recent studies have pointed that the contact of Roman with local cultures resulted in a plurality of hybrid cultural expressions, which defy the generalization that the term “Romanization” implies.²⁷ Here foreigners adopted the local architectural language and arranged their houses and religious club associations around a courtyard, while details in the decoration, such as statues and wall paintings, as well as inscriptions indicate their distinct identity. The House of Cleopatra (GD 119) that is occupied by an Athenian couple (Dioskourides and Cleopatra of the Myrrhinoutta demos – ID 1987) is not different from the House of the Trident (GD 118) that is occupied by a Syrian (indicated by protomes of the bulls of Hadad and the lions of Astargatis in the Rhodian peristyle of the house) or the House of the Dolphins (GD 111) that is constructed by a Phoenician (signature of the vestibule mosaic of the Tanit symbol). Equally homogenous in their architecture are the religious association of the Poseidoniastes from Berytos (GD 57) and the 25 houses with religious wall paintings in relation to the Roman cult of the Lares Compitales.²⁸ Only in a few cases (House of Diadoumenos, House of the Dolphins, and House of the Trident) the spatial arrangements of the house remind visual strategies of self-representation familiar from the slightly later houses in Campania. In these houses the alignment of the entrance corridor, whose floor featured an impressive emblema, with the peristyle and the façade of the oecus maior created a visual impact on the house’s interior to a passer-by, which owners could employ to enhance their personal status. The majority of the houses, however, follow the more traditional layout of the Greek house of rooms around a courtyard accessed by an ante-room, pastas or colonnade, which in some cases was appropriated, for example, the angle of the vestibule allowed passers-by to see into a part of the house, in order to accommodate the owners’ wish of self-representation.²⁹⬈#p9

The rapid urbanization of the island took place in this period.³⁰ The small settlement of the period of independence, which clustered around the main sanctuary area with some smaller sanctuaries and cultural centers beyond, exploded during the period of the second Athenian dominion. The urbanization expanded from the area of the old sanctuary center outwards:⬈#p10

1 - The new markets, the Agora of the Hermaistai or the Competaliastai (GD 2), the Agora of Theophrastos (GD 49) and the Agora of the Delians (GD 84), clustered at the borders of the sanctuary;³¹⬈#p11

2 - the main port facilities expanded to the south and big storage facilities and facilities equivalent to shopping malls were created next to them.³²⬈#p12

3 – the residential neighborhoods developed around the sanctuary center and where good natural ports were created to complement the activities of the main port, overloaded by the maritime traffic going through the island in this period.³³ The character of the neighborhoods was mixed: residences mingled with manufacturing activities, shops and storage facilities and were next to some locus of cultural activity, such as the gymnasia. ⬈#p13

The main residential neighborhoods that have been identified to date have been divided in two kinds, the so-called “old” and “new” neighborhoods.³⁴ The term “old” neighborhood is used for neighborhoods that developed in areas that were previously urbanized, for example, the Quartier du Théâtre and the Quartier de l’Inopos, and the term “new” neighborhood is used for areas that were not previously urbanized, for example, the Quartier de Skardhana (or Quartier Nord) and the Quartier du Stade. These new neighborhoods took over the areas of the gardens (κήποι) and the open farming areas of the island to the north, which were concentrated at the south of the island in this period.³⁵ However, the full extension of the city is not well known as not all the areas of the island have been excavated.³⁶⬈#p14

Quartier du Stade

The Quartier du Stade (figs. 1, 2 and 3), the focus of this study, is one of the newly-formed neighborhoods. It is located on the north-east side of Delos next to the Stadion, after which it is named. It was not as isolated from the sanctuary center as it may seem today. The Archegesion (GD 74), the sanctuary of the Archegetes/Anios, the mythical founder of the Delian city (first half of sixth century BCE),³⁷ is located between the hippodrome and this neighborhood. It is also generally thought that the gardens mentioned in the accounts of the hieropoioi (near the Hippodrome, near the Neorion, near the palaestra) were located in this area.³⁸⬈#p21

The Stadion (GD 78) predates the neighborhood; it is mentioned in the accounts of the hieropoioi, the annually appointed officials of the sanctuary, since the first quarter of the third century BCE.³⁹ The Gymnasion (GD 76) attached to the Stadion was built at the end of the second or the beginning of the first century BCE (based on construction evidence),⁴⁰ and the Xyston (GD 77) was dedicated by Ptolemy IX when Διονύσιος Δημητρίου Αναφλύστιος was epimeletes of the island in 111/10 BCE. Probably both structures, Gymnasion and Xyston, were part of one building project developed by the Athenian colony and financed by Ptolemy IX.⁴¹ No exact dates can be confirmed for the rest of the Quartier du Stade. Even from this sparse dating evidence, it is clear that the urban development in this neighborhood as elsewhere on the island occurred after 167 BCE and it declined after the sacks of 88 and 69 BCE.⁴² Part of the Quartier du Stade is also the synagogue (GD 80), which is located to the south of the port structures of the neighborhood.⁴³ The earliest phases of the synagogue date from the second century BCE; however, it cannot be ascertained whether these are before or after 167 BCE.⁴⁴⬈#p22

Only a very small part of the neighborhood was excavated (Insula I and II) at the beginning of the 20th century (1912-13) by André Plassart, who published an extensive report of the excavations in 1916 – however, a full and detailed publication of the excavations did not follow.⁴⁵ More recently, in 1997, House IB was re-excavated and identified as a perfume workshop by Jean-Pierre Brun and Michèle Brunet.⁴⁶ Their study provides a relative chronology of the development of that house, which is helpful in the study of the overall neighborhood. In the context of the research project of the French School in Athens on the provision of storage space in houses and shops on Delos (dir. Véronique Chankowski), I examine the unpublished excavation archives of André Plassart (1912-1913), study the finds from the neighborhood and conduct an architectural survey of the Quartier.⁴⁷ In doing so my aim is to analyze the urban development of the Quartier du Stade and address it in relation to the economic development that Delos underwent in this period. ⬈#p23

From the two Insulae that were exposed by Plassart’s excavation, we may infer that it was a mixed-use residential and manufacturing neighborhood with some sale activities and some storage facilities within the residential units. From the visible remaining structures of the neighborhood facing towards the port, we can see that there were no large storage facilities like the ones located to the south of the main port; instead, the storage facilities were integrated in the residential areas. Insula I presents a few shops, (α), (β) and (γ) at its north end.⁴⁸ Aside from a modest house at the north (IA), the rest of the buildings are quite big with courtyards: for instance, the perfume workshop (IB) and Houses IE, IC and ID. Insula II has a shop at the southwest corner (ζ, η, θ) and two houses with courtyards (IIA, IIB). Storage spaces were dispersed on the ground floor of the buildings. The character of this neighborhood is very similar to the other newly-formed neighborhood of the island, the Quartier de Skardhana, where we also have mixed residential, manufacturing and storage uses.⁴⁹ Industrial and commercial features are not completely unique to the newer neighborhoods, but also appear to some degree in the older neighborhoods, too; for example, one of Delos’ two excavated coroplastic workshops appeared in the heart of the Quartier du Théâtre,⁵⁰ and there are numerous small shops throughout the island.⁵¹ The upper floors, like all the houses of Delos, were the most opulent ones; for example, the surviving sculptures come from the upper floors and the remains of the walls from the upper floor feature polychrome decoration.⁵²⬈#p24

The inhabitants of some of the excavated houses were Italian (IC, ID, IE) as is suggested by the altars of the Lares Compitales placed at their entrances,⁵³ and is indicated by a bilingual, Greek and Latin, inscription in House IC, that records a dedication by three freedmen to their patron: ⬈#p25

[Κοίντον Τύλλιον] . . . τον Κοίντου υἱὸν
[Κοίντος Τύλλ]ιος [Ἡρα]κλέων καὶ Κοίντος
Τύλλιος Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ Κοίντος Τύλλιος
Ἀρίσταρχος οἱ Κοίντου τὸν ἑαυτῶν πάτρωνα
ἀρετῆς ἕνεκεν καὶ καλοκαγαθίας τῆς εἰς ἐαυτούς.⬈#p26

[Q. Tullium Q. f . . . . pum]
Q. Tullius Q. l. A[ristarchus]
Q. Tullius Q. l. Ale[xander]
Q. Tullius Q. l. He[racleo p]atro[nem]
suom honoris et be[nef]ici cau[sa]⬈#p27

“(To) Q. Tullius son of Q., Q. Tullius Heracleon and Q Tullius Alexandros and Q. Tullius Aristarchos (dedicated) to their patron, honoring his virtue and benefaction.” ⁵⁴⬈#p28

The freedmen Heracleon, Alexandros and Aristarchos dedicated a statue to their patron (Q. Tullius Q. f.). The patron and freedman Heracleon are known from other inscriptions. Quintus Tullius is Apolloniastes in 125 BCE (ID 1730).⁵⁵ As Plassart pointed out, this inscription must be dated later, while Heracleon appears as a slave in a dedication of Competaliastes dated to 97/96 BCE (ID 1761).⁵⁶ The inscription came from the upper floor of the house, probably from the north balcony around the court, as it was found in the upper layers of the rubble in room (g) close to its south wall.⁵⁷⬈#p29

In addition, a terracotta figurine of a clothed “Oriental Aphrodite” (Inv. no. A2498) was found in House IC.⁵⁸ The origin of the figurine was not thus far identified, as Plassart’s notes are confusing because he changed the labeling of the houses as well as their rooms during his excavation.⁵⁹ I have examined the changes of Plassart’s labeling and concluded that the figurine comes from room (h) of the House IC.⁶⁰ The figurine shows some influence from Egyptian iconography and as many other Egyptianizing figurines from Delos points to the appeal and integration of Egyptianizing religion in the multicultural community of Delos.⁶¹ It is not clear from Plassart’s notes whether the figurine was found on the upper or lower layers of the rubble, which would respectively indicate that it came from one of the rooms on the upper floor or from room (h). Room (h) also featured a badly shaped graffito of a horse and a boat followed by an equally clumsy in execution inscription: (ΜΝ[ΗCΘΗΤΙ] ΕΚΠΑΓΑΘΟC [Ε]ΠΑΓΑΘΩ: μνήσθητι Ἐκπάγαθος ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ).⁶² It is possible that Ἐκπάγαθος is a misspelling of Ἐπάγαθος, a freedman’s name that is also attested in an inscription found in the southern extremity of the Portico of Philip (ID 1961, M. Καικίλιος Ἐπάγαθος).⁶³ ⬈#p30

House IIA seems to have been inhabited by members of a Jewish community and, at some point, it may have served as an early location of the synagogue later located at the southeast of this area. A dedication to “God Most High” found in the house uses the epithet ὕψιστος to refer to God, an epithet that has been identified as referring to the Jewish deity (ID 2328: Λυσίμαχος ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ Θεῷ Ὑψιστῳ χαριστήριον. “Lysimachos for himself [to] God most High [for a] votive/thank-offering”). In addition, the direct access to the well from the court is a unique feature in Delos that has been only attested at the synagogue, and could have been designed for ablutions.⁶⁴ The ethnic diversity of the neighborhood is characteristic of the diversity of the island in this period.⁶⁵⬈#p31

During fieldwork seasons 2009-2010 I studied and conducted the architectural survey of Houses IC and ID at the Quartier du Stade (figs. 4 and 5),⁶⁶ and examined the development of their construction history in relation to the urban fabric of the neighborhood and the port facilities that might have been attached to it (fig. 3).⁶⁷ The architectural survey was carried out using a handheld digital laser distance measurer and an automatic optical level on a tripod for the distances up to 15 m as well as a total station for the larger distances. The plans, sections and elevations were produced with a combination of CAD and hand drawings. Hand-drawn scaled plans were created on site in order to record measurements, which were used to produce the CAD drawings that were worked over on Illustrator. Sections and elevations were hand-drawn and also worked over on illustrator.⬈#p36

Houses IC and ID

Similarly to the Maison des Sceaux, the modifications conducted at a later phase in Houses ID, as well as in House IC, created groups of rooms that could operate independently as workshops, businesses, storage places or sleeping rooms, and presumably could be rented out for such functions. The archaeological identification of such uses that the case of the Maison des Sceaux provides points to the information we lack in other Delian houses, where no fire destruction has preserved such material remains. The analysis of the architectural design of the houses allows us, however, to identify an architectural pattern in relation to these uses. We notice that in a subsequent phase some rooms of the ground floor, either intact or broken down to smaller rooms were grouped together and were made accessible through one and only entrance. In the Quartier du Stade, aside from Houses IC and ID, House IE features a similar distribution in its ground floor. The southern part of ​​the ground floor of the house has a number of rooms that were accessible from the courtyard (d) and two of them were used as storage rooms (rooms [c] and [j]).⬈#p46

Domestic economy or integrated commerce?

The changes discussed in Houses IC and ID show that over time owners tried to make the most of the available space. The architectural analysis of the houses suggests that as in the case of the Maison des Sceaux these changes were implemented in order to create spaces that integrated the commercial needs of the city in the domestic sphere. I will draw examples from two more houses in the Quartier de Skardhana, the Maison des Tritons and the Maison des Comédiens (fig. 8), to show the variety of architectural schemes that were used in order to accommodate the owner’s need for extra space.⁸⁸ In these two houses small rooms were subsequently added outside the original plan of the houses, taking over part of the street, in order to create spaces for service, storage as well as workshops. In the Maison des Comédiens, rooms (D) and (E) that were added at the south part of the house operated as a workshop for purple dye production as the great number of crashed mollusks in several of the numerous amphoras that were found in room (D) and the abundance of red color on the walls of the same room suggest.⁸⁹ In the Maison des Tritons, rooms (AK-AK΄) and (AL-AM-AN) were added to the south and east parts of the house, again taking over part of the street, in order to complement the service rooms of the household.⁹⁰ Room (AK΄) together with (AL), (AM) and (AN) operated as a bath. Room (AN) served to heat the sweating room (AM), a sudatio, that was accessible from the courtyard of the house through latrines (ΑΙ΄) and (AK΄), or directly from the street through room (AK).⁹¹ If the bath-suite was accessible from (ΑΙ΄) through (AK΄), which is more likely as there is 1 m difference between (AK΄) and (AK) and a shallow wall separates them, (AK) could have operated as an independent storage room accessible directly from the street. Even if the bath-suite was accessible from the courtyard, it could have either been used by the inhabitants of the house or operated independently for profit as Trümper has suggested.⁹² Contrary to the cases of the Maison des Sceaux, Houses IC and ID, the owners of the Maison des Tritons and the Maison des Comédiens wanted to make profit on their properties without however altering the spacious layout of the ground floor of their houses and changing their sumptuous character.⁹³⬈#p49

Recent studies of the economy of the Greek house and city have pointed out that no uniform rules can be deduced for the provision of commercial and storage facilities within domestic contexts. Each case is different and it seems that the available space was shaped in order to serve the individual needs of the owners.⁹⁴ In the case of Delos, either the original larger rooms of the ground floor, the typical oeci maiores and oeci minores that Chamonard identified in the houses of the older neighborhood, the Quartier du Théâtre,⁹⁵ were subsequently broken down to form smaller rooms  (e.g., House ID, Maison des Sceaux); or when this was not desirable, extra small rooms were subsequently added to the houses, which sometimes occupied parts of the street (e.g., Maison des Tritons, Maison des Comédiens). In both cases owners aimed to create small spaces that could operate as storage or workshop rooms and could have also been rented out. In other cases, remote, not-well lit and/or ventilated areas of the houses were grouped probably in order to serve for such functions (e.g., House IC).  ⬈#p50

It is possible that the storage spaces within the houses did not only serve the needs of the household but also complemented the storage needs of the commerce of Delos.⁹⁶ A recent study of the shops in the Quartier du Théâtre has shown how the interior shapes of the shops were in a subsequent phase furnished with shelves and mezzanines in order to accommodate the need for more storage.⁹⁷ It is possible that changes in the spatial arrangements of the houses discussed here were conducted in order to complement the needs of the burgeoning Delian commerce. The case of the Maison des Sceaux provides a concrete example for the integration of commercial activities within the domestic sphere, to which the Maison des Tritons and the Maison des Comédiens provide further parallels. The typological similarity of Houses IC and ID in the Quartier du Stade to the houses of the Quartier de Skardhana suggests that in the case of the houses of the Quartier du Stade as well owners created the new spatial arrangements in order to make profit in the dynamic economic microclimate of late Hellenistic Delos.⬈#p51

Houses IC and ID in the context of the Quartier du Stade

The development of Houses IC and ID, analyzed here, needs to be situated in the overall context of the two Insulae and their development. In an earlier phase of the neighborhood, Rue Transversale – the street in between Insula I and Insula II – was a private street that gave access to Houses IC, ID as well as IIA as the entering point to Rue Transversale from Rue du Stade operated as a doorway to a private street (fig. 9).⁹⁸ Although House IIA was not investigated during the last two fieldwork seasons, Plassart’s study indicates that there were originally two openings on the north wall of courtyard (d) opening onto Rue Transversale that were later closed. Several small private streets are noted in the Quartier du Théâtre and the Quartier de Skardhana.⁹⁹ It seems that a change, either of ownership or of the nature of the uses, led to this street being no longer a dedicated private point of access. It is possible that the move of the entrance to House IC from room (e) to room (a), as well as the entrance to House IIA from courtyard (d) to room (a) were associated with this change.⬈#p54

Furthermore, the street in between House IB and House IE was closed only in the third phase of House IB, that is, end of second - beginning of the first century BCE, when IB was turned into a perfumery.¹⁰⁰ This street was one of the streets providing access to the sea to the east side of the neighborhood and its closing may be associated with the change of the Rue Transversale from private to public in order to facilitate the circulation towards the shore and the port facilities that might have existed there. If this is so, the change of the nature of Rue Transversale from public to private, and the second construction phase of Houses IC and ID with the associated provisions for storage as well as small slave quarters, can be dated to the same period, the beginning of the first century BCE. The association of these changes points to the ways in which the growing manufacturing and commercial activities of Delos at this time – for example, the conversion of House IB to a perfume workshop – affected the development of the city. ⬈#p55

The changes in the layout of Houses IC and ID and the creation of the perfume workshop IB, as well as the changes in the street arrangement of the Quartier du Stade addressed here, may be further related to the building project of the Xyston and the Gymnasion at the end of the second century BCE and beginning of the first century BCE. The large window on the west wall of House IC provided a view into the newly refurbished Stadion. The refurbishment of the Stadion at the end of the second century BCE would have certainly incited the redevelopment of this area at the beginning of the first century BCE. This points to another major force shaping the ancient city of Delos, that of benefaction. Both religious and civic benefactions were means of self-representation and promotion and ignited the development of the sanctuary and city of Delos from early on.¹⁰¹ These benefactions in Delos during the late Hellenistic period must be understood in the context of competing claims over the growing importance of the international commerce of Delos.⬈#p56

As Delos was a passage of trade, the storage facilities in the island point to one of the factors affecting the urban growth of the island. We already noted that the new neighborhoods were formed in relation to small natural port facilities, in order to assist the load of the major big port. The capacity of these small port facilities was significantly smaller and accommodated smaller boats.¹⁰² We may speculate that in the case of these smaller port facilities, the smaller in size and lighter in weight goods were traded, such as perfumes, unguents, incense, gems and dyes.¹⁰³ Indeed the manufacturing facilities for dye and perfume have been identified only in these new neighborhoods, for example the perfumery at the Quartier du Stade and the purple dye installations at Quartier du Skardhana and the Quartier du Stade.¹⁰⁴ Such products did not need the large storage facilities that we encounter to the south of the main port, but smaller facilities that could have been created within the residential units. The study of the storage facilities in the old neighborhood of the Theatre (Quartier du Théâtre) has shown that by contrast to the large storage facilities around the port, the storage facilities further up the hill, in the neighborhood of the Theatre, were of smaller scale inside the boutiques and next to manufacturing installations, while some provisions were made inside the houses.¹⁰⁵ In both new neighborhoods, the Quartier de Skardhana and the Quartier du Stade, there are no big storage facilities next to the port and the small storage facilities must have been integrated within the urban fabric, inside the residences (e.g., rooms k and l in House ID) as well as next to the manufacturing installations (e.g., perfumery IIB). The provision for storage within the neighborhood must have responded to the needs of the commercial activities of Delos and in close relation to the activities of the ports.⬈#p57

Conclusion

This preliminary study of Houses IC and ID in relation to the overall development of the Quartier du Stade allows us to identify two driving forces behind the development of the area: on the hand, the provision of spaces that accommodated and complemented the commercial activities of the port – which were smaller in capacity and satisfied a different kind of commerce than that of the main port – and on the other, private initiatives that financed the public constructions shaping the city of Delos. Furthermore, the hastiness in construction attested in the construction techniques of the neighborhood, such as mud brick walls, suggests that changes were implemented reactively in order to fit the needs of the inhabitants and their commercial activities, which were not planned in advance.⬈#p58

The rapid urbanization of Delos may be compared with far more accelerated developments of growing commercial centers of Asia, such as Hong Kong, and the private initiatives and public benefactions igniting development in the city may be also seen in relation to such initiatives today: for example, the Burj Dubai, now Burj Khalifa, which aims to receive international recognition and attract investment to the city. I do not wish to stretch this comparison far but merely point out that we are just beginning to understand such urban developments. Urban studies today recognize what may be termed a disciplinary paralysis to sufficiently describe, let alone influence, the accelerated urbanization in developing regions of the world and the rapid redevelopment in existing urban areas. For this reason urban studies today examine the evolving agents, relationships and consequences of contemporary urbanization.¹⁰⁶⬈#p59

We tend to examine the large scale urban planning as applied on virgin terrain and the ways in urban planning initiatives matched the existing organic growth of cities. We identify the ancient city on the basis of key ingredients – aside from city walls and cemetery boundaries in the Hellenistic period these are: gymnastic edifices, theatre, agorai and monumental sanctuaries.¹⁰⁷ The example of Delos is indeed unique in that it is a city with no walls to mark its boundaries or gates and tombs pointing its entrance. The sea is the boundary and the port facilities are the gates to the city of Delos. In Delos we see Purcell’s notion of the coastline, the ora maritima, as a concept of organization of human resources rather than a simple geographical term.¹⁰⁸ Aside from this particularity, Delos has the ingredients, the key structures, of a Hellenistic city. But in its particularity, the rapid urban development of Delos in the late Hellenistic period points to the interior workings of the city, its small-scale developments vis-à-vis the large scale forces that shaped the city – in this case economic activities and benefactions. The unique character of Delos brings to our attention the ties between economic and urban growth – a relation that is not unique to Delos, but merely exaggerated. In the late Hellenistic period Delos became a “merchant city,” to adopt the term of Max Weber – a city maintained by its commerce, whose organization and form were indeed shaped vis-à-vis handling and shipping activities.¹⁰⁹⬈#p60

In this preliminary sketch of my study of Delos I have tried to outline the factors that influenced the growth of Delos in the late Hellenistic period and relate them to the construction history of the Quartier du Stade. Nothing could have predicted this enormous expansion of Delos in this period – neither the fame of the sanctuary, nor the quality of the port, nor the commercial activity on the island during the period of Independence nor the geographical position of Delos. Delos does not occupy a better or more central position in relation to the neighboring islands of the Cyclades. The decision of Rome to grant the island the status of a free port combined with the destruction of Corinth, a powerful rival, in 146 BCE, as well as the intensification of the relation of Rome and Pergamon for which Delos played an intermediary role, led to the commercial and urban development of Delos.⬈#p61

In effect, the settlement that we now see dates from this period. The urbanization of the island was rapid and took place during roughly 70-80 years, in the manner of what we call today a boomtown. This period is abruptly stopped after the sacks of 88 and 69 CE. As a typical boomtown the city becomes a ghost town when it ceases to be an economic center – although there is some attested occupation, especially in the areas of the sanctuary and its immediate surrounding structures in the imperial period. Delos never again gained a major importance as a religious center, and after a small prosperity of the island during the palaeochristian period, the island is abandoned at the end of the sixth century CE.¹¹⁰⬈#p62

Notes

¹ Hatzfeld 1912; Zalesskij 1982; Reger 1994.⬈#endnote1

² On urban growth of the island during this period see: Bruneau 1968 and Papageorgiou-Venetas 1981. On the port and dockside structures see also: Duchêne and Fraisse 2001. On the commercial installations see: Karvonis 2008.⬈#endnote2

³ Trümper 1998.⬈#endnote3

⁴ Bruneau 1968; Trümper 2002.⬈#endnote4

⁵ Scranton 1982; Bruneau 1984; Kreeb 1984.⬈#endnote5

⁶ Archibald et al. (eds.) 2001, 2005 and 2011. On the economy of Delos in particular: Chankowski  1997; 1998; 2005; 2008a; 2008b; 2011a; 2011b.⬈#endnote6

⁷ Sassen 1994; Marcuse and van Kempen (eds.) 1999; Chung et al. (eds.) 2002; Gregotti 2011; Brenner and Kiel (eds.) 2006.⬈#endnote7

⁸ Constantakopoulou 2007, ch. 2 and 3; Kowalzig 2007, ch. 2. For an overview of the theoretical frame of religious networks see: Malkin et al. 2009, 1-11 (Introduction).⬈#endnote8

⁹ Constantakopoulou 2007, ch. 3. See also: Bruneau and Ducat 2005, 35-36; Chankowski 2008a.⬈#endnote9

¹⁰ This purification completed the partial purification by Peisistratus in circa 540-528 BCE who had sought to secure control over the Cycladic islands with this act.⬈#endnote10

¹¹ GD plus a number indicates the numbering of the monuments in the Guide de Délos (Bruneau and Ducat 2005). On the Portico of Philip V: Vallois 1923. On the South Portico: Vallois 1944, 65-68. On the Portico of Antigonos Gonatas: Courby 1912; Vallois 1944, 162-164; Bruneau 1970, 553 (on the dating). In general see: Hellmann 2010, 267-272; Bringmann and von Steuben (eds.) 1995); Bringmann (ed.) 2000; Schmidt-Dounas (ed.) 2000.⬈#endnote11

¹² Serapeion A: Roussel 1916, 19-32; Siard 1996, 914-1915. Serapeion C: Roussel 1916, 47-69; Bruneau 1980; Siard 2003 and 2007; Sanctuary of the Syrian gods: Will (with Schmidt) 1985. In general: Roussel 1916; Bruneau 1970; Baslez 1977 and Engelmann 1975. By the later Hellenistic period, Delos became home to the cults of many other foreign deities. See: Hasenohr 2003 (on the Italian Compitalia festival); Trümper 2004 (on the synagogue); Bruneau 1970, 244-245, ID 2315 (on dedications by members of Arabian tribes) – see also ID 62, 129; RES 3570 and 3952. ⬈#endnote12

¹³ The scale of the trade that was already taking place in the Aegean can be seen in the fact that Rhodes, till then the main Aegean entrepôt, saw a massive trade shrinkage reflected in an 85% fall in her harbor-dues from 1million drachmas p.a. (HS 4m.) to 150,000 drachmas p.a. (HS 600,000). Polyb. 30.31.12 with Walbank (1979) 459-60.⬈#endnote13

¹⁴ Attalus III left Pergamon to Rome in his will in 133 BCE, but that it was not until 129 BCE that Rome put down the rebellion of Aristonicus. For a summary of the events see: McGing 2003, 83-84. ⬈#endnote14

¹⁵ Hatzfeld 1919, 34, 36; Kay (forthcoming).⬈#endnote15

¹⁶ Strabo says that Delos was capable of handling 10,000 slaves per day. Although this figure ought not to be taken literally, it should not be totally discarded either. See: Harris 1979, 82.⬈#endnote16

¹⁷ Cocco (1970) and Coarelli (1982 and 2005) believe that the slave market may have been located in the Agora of the Italians. See extensive criticisms of this position in: Bruneau 1975, 1985 and 1987 (331-339). Rauh (1992; 1993, 81-83, 289-338) argued that it was an arena for sport events. For counter-arguments against Rauh’s position see: Boussac and Moretti 1995. Recent review of all the arguments in Mastino 2008 and Tümper 2009. Trümper (2008, with review of previous scholarship at 3-9, 93-98) argues that the Agora of the Italians was not a slave market but rather a luxurious park-like building with a propylon, garden, double-storied porticoes, statue niches, and a lavish bath suite. For a comprehensive discussion of the evidence related to slaves on Delos see: Bruneau 1989.⬈#endnote17

¹⁸ Cicero also raved about these wares (Cic. Rosc. Amer.133). ⬈#endnote18

¹⁹ Chamonard 1924, 325; Gallet de Santerre 1959, 104; Karvonis 2008, 176, 184-185. For the production of auloi on Delos see: Bélis 1998. ⬈#endnote19

²⁰ Plin. HN 13.4; Rauh 1993, 54-5, Table III: “Professions Recorded in Italy for Roman-Italian Families at Delos.” For example an unguentarius named L.Novius Dionysi(us) L.l. is recorded at Capua and a Διονύσιος Νούιος Λευκίου appears on Delos. CIL X 3975; ID 1764. Kay (forthcoming).⬈#endnote20

²¹ Brunet 1998. Perfume: Brun 1999 and 2000; purple dye: Bruneau 1969, and 1978, 110-114; Lytle 2007; terracotta figurines: Laumonier 1956; glass: Nenna 1999; Durvye 2009 and Durvye and Douthe (in press); bronze: Bruneau 1976 (texts on Delian bronze); Siebert 1969, 1042-1044; 1975, 721; 1976, 813-814 (Maison des Sceaux); 1973; 1979 (furniture appliqués); Barr-Sharrar 1998 (sculptures).⬈#endnote21

²² Roussel 1931; Tréheux 1952, 582, n. 3; Couilloud 1974, 307-335. ⬈#endnote22

²³ The catastrophic events occurring in Syria, Palestine and Cilicia, such as the Seleucid enslavement of rebellious natives in Judea in 160-130, provide a context for the arrival of Syro-Palestinian traders in Delos. Rauh 1993, 46. ⬈#endnote23

²⁴ Tréheux (1992) gives 68 ethnics from Antioch, 64 from Berytos, 2 from Laodicea in Phoenicia, 47 from Alexandria, 35 from Laodicea in Syria, 32 from Hieropolis, 31 from Tyre, 23 from Sidon, 16 from Ascalon and 12 from Salamis. These groups organized themselves religiously as well as ethnically according to the worship of the gods of their homelands; for example: the merchants from Tyre formed themselves into the Herakliastai of Tyre (i.e. the worshipers of Tyrian Melkart): ID.1519. The merchants from Berytos comprised the Poseidoniastai of Berytos (worshippers of Berytian Baal): ID.1520, 1772-1796. ⬈#endnote24

²⁵ The Roman-Italian religious associations – the collegia of the Hermaistai, Apolloniastai, Poseidoniastai and Compitaliastai –represented the largest ethnic contingent of the island. Their importance can be gauged by the large number of Roman-Italian families recorded in each of them. Rauh 1993, 30, Table II: ‘Roman and Italian families producing homines collegiorum at Delos in the pre-Sullan era (Before 81 BCE)’. Roman, Latin, Etruscan, Campanian, Apulian, and Samnite gentilicia are attested in this list, as are Greek families from towns such as Heraclea, Neapolis and Tarentum. The majority of the Romaioi on Delos were slaves and freedmen. Given that the Romans worked through patronage, it should come as no surprise that estimates based on onomastics demonstrate that the majority of the Romaioi recorded at Delos were themselves slaves and freedmen of Hellenistic Greek and Syro-Phoenician origin who worked at Delos for Roman-Italian patron families and bore their nomenclature. Hatzfeld estimated that of 231 Romaioi recorded on the island, 88 were freeborn, 95 were liberti, and 48 were slaves. Rauh’s survey in 1993 of inscriptions published since 1919 contains an additional 300 Romaioi whose names can be split, in similar proportions to those found by Hatzfeld, between freeborn (118 or 40%) and slave-born (freedmen and slaves combined, 182 or 60%). Rauh 1993, 30-32. ⬈#endnote25

²⁶ Bruneau 1968, 665-666; 1995, 106-108. ⬈#endnote26

²⁷ Terrenato 2001. See Wallace-Hadrill (2008, esp. 3-37, ch. 1) on the “Romanization” debate and for alternative ways of approaching the cultural processes that this and other terms have been used thus far to describe. ⬈#endnote27

²⁸ On religious associations on Delos: Trümper 2006. On the Lares Compitales on Delos: Bruneau 1970, 615-616; Hasenohr 2001, 2002, and 2003; Mavrojannis 1995. ⬈#endnote28

²⁹ See Nevett 2010, 63-88 (ch. 4). ⬈#endnote29

³⁰ Bruneau 1968; Martin 1977a; Trümper 2002. ⬈#endnote30

³¹ Bruneau and Ducat 2005, 163-166 (GD 2, Agora of the Hermaistai or the Competaliastai), 213 (GD 49 Agora of Theophrastos, 258-259 (GD 84, Agora of the Delians). ⬈#endnote31

³² Ardaillon 1896, 437-444; Roussel 1987, 300-302; Jardé 1906; Pâris 1916, 30-61; Interdonato 2007; Karvonis 2008. ⬈#endnote32

³³ Paris 1916, 61-62; Bruneau 1968, 658-664. Papageorgiou-Venetas 1981, 99-106; Duchêne and Fraisse 2001, 119-123 (part 2, ch. 5. “Les basins annexes”).⬈#endnote33

³⁴ Bruneau 1968, 667-668. ⬈#endnote34

³⁵ On the gardens: Bruneau 1979, 89-99. On the farming and agricultural areas see: Brunet and Poupet 1997; Brunet 2005. ⬈#endnote35

³⁶ Bruneau 1968, fig. 1 (opposite p. 640). ⬈#endnote36

³⁷ Robert 1953; Prost 1997. ⬈#endnote37

³⁸ Bruneau 1979, 91. ⬈#endnote38

³⁹ Moretti 1996 and 2001. ⬈#endnote39

⁴⁰ See Moretti 2001, 361. ⬈#endnote40

⁴¹ ID 1531; Roussel 1987, 108; Habicht 1991, 198; Moretti 1996, 623, n.13; ibid 2001, 366-367. ⬈#endnote41

⁴² For Delos in the imperial period see: Roussel 1987, 336-340; for later Delos see: Orlandos 1936; Kiourtzian 2000, 47-60; Bruneau and Ducat 2005, 44-46. ⬈#endnote42

⁴³ See note 67.⬈#endnote43

⁴⁴ On the synagogue see: Plassart 1913; Bruneau 1970, 480-493; Trümper 2004. ⬈#endnote44

⁴⁵ Plassart 1916. See also Trümper 1998 (at 216-224) who deals with the individual houses of the neighborhood in her study of domestic architecture on Delos. ⬈#endnote45

⁴⁶ Brun 1999 and 2000. ⬈#endnote46

⁴⁷ Study of the finds from the neighborhood, located in the store rooms of the Archaeological Museum on Delos, will be conducted in the two subsequent fieldwork seasons. ⬈#endnote47

⁴⁸ Plassart (1916, 174-175) identified (ε) to the west of House IE as a shop as well, but I believe that it was the ground floor of a house that was partially used for commercial activities due to its oblong layout, and the existence of latrines next to its entrance.⬈#endnote48

⁴⁹ Siebert 2001.⬈#endnote49

⁵⁰ Laumonier 1956, 18-19.⬈#endnote50

⁵¹ Brunet 1998.⬈#endnote51

⁵² The most remarkable finds from the Quartier, for example, a fragment of wall painting featuring a chariot race from House IA (Inv. S.12.16-36), a dedicatory inscription for a statue (Inv. E 775) from House IC and a faun in form a herm from House IE, all come from the upper floors. See Kreeb 1988, 167-179 for full list of sculptures found in the Quartier du Stade. Most of the fragments of wall paintings recorded in Plassart’s excavation notes are unpublished.⬈#endnote52

⁵³ On the Lares Compitales see note 30. On the religious wall paintings: Bulard 1926 (who falsely identified the paintings in connection with the domestic cult of Lares Familiares; revised by Bruneau 1970, 589-620); Bezerra de Meneses and Sarian 1973.⬈#endnote53

⁵⁴ Plassart 1916, 207. ID 1802, Inv. E 775. The inscription is unfortunately still in room (g).⬈#endnote54

⁵⁵ Hatzfeld 1912, 86. ⬈#endnote55

⁵⁶ Plassart 1916, 206. ⬈#endnote56

⁵⁷ Kreeb 1988, 109. ⬈#endnote57

⁵⁸ Laumonier 1956, 146, pl. 42, no. 387; Barrett 2011, 335-336, 500-501, figs. F1, F2 and D19. ⬈#endnote58

⁵⁹ Laumonier and Barrett do not identify the house and room where the figurine was found. ⬈#endnote59

⁶⁰ Plassart initially assigned Greek letters to the rooms that he excavated in House IC and numbers to Houses ID, IE and shop ε (written in graphite pencil on his plan: Archives de l’ÉfA, 2-C DEL 119, page 6). He then grouped these rooms as parts of houses and the shop (indicated by the red divisions he drew on the maps) that he numbered I through VII (indicated in blue pencil), and he assigned Latin letters to the rooms (indicated with blue pencil as well). Plassart indicates that the figurine comes from “salle ι” (written in graphite pencil) in his entry on July 19, 1912 (Archives de l’ÉfA, 2-C DEL 119, page 46), which follow the entries of “Maison III” indicated in blue on the opposite page of his notebook (verso, unnumbered). “Maison III” is House IC on the plan on page 6 in the same notebook. On this plan, room “ι” is the room that he later assigned as room h in blue pencil, and named the house “Maison III” in blue pencil again. It is clear from the plan that “Maison III” is House IC. ⬈#endnote60

⁶¹ Barrett 2011. ⬈#endnote61

⁶² Plassart 1916, 201. On the graffiti on Delos see: Bruneau 1975, 286-289; 1978, 146-151 (with previous bibliography); Basch 1973, 1987 (371-385, 497-498), and 1989; Musées de Marseille 1992. For a discussion of the meaning and function of graffiti see Langner 2001. Langner includes Delian graffiti in his discussion, but not the ones found in this house. ⬈#endnote62

⁶³ Roussel and Hatzfeld 1910, 417, n. 81; Hatzfeld 1912, 22; Müller and Hasenohr 2002, 191, Caecilii n. 4. M. Καικίλιος Ἐπάγαθος was possibly a gladiator.⬈#endnote63

⁶⁴ Plassart 1913, 205, n. 1; Plassart 1916, 234-247; Bruneau 1982, 465-604. Contra: Mazur 1935, 21; Matassa 2007.⬈#endnote64

⁶⁵ For a detailed discussion of the population see Roussel 1987, 33-96.⬈#endnote65

⁶⁶ I would like to thank Dimitris Bartzis, student of architecture at the National Technical University of Athens, for assisting in the measurements and drawings during the first fieldwork season (2009).⬈#endnote66

⁶⁷ For a discussion of the possibility of port facilities at the Quartier du Stade and a hypothetic reconstruction of the quay on the basis of the underwater remains, see Papageorgiou-Venetas 1981, 106, fig. 85 on p. 105. See also Duchêne and Fraisse 2001, 122-123.⬈#endnote67

⁶⁸ Plassart 1916, 175-207; Trümper 1998, 218-220, figs. 22-23.⬈#endnote68

⁶⁹ Plassart 1916, 194-202. Trümper 1998.⬈#endnote69

⁷⁰ Couve 1895, 485-492; Chamonard 1922-24, vol. 2, 415-417; Trümper 1998, 212-214.⬈#endnote70

⁷¹ Chamonard 1922-24, vol. 1, 167.⬈#endnote71

⁷² Plassart 1916, 201.⬈#endnote72

⁷³ Plassart 1916, 200.⬈#endnote73

⁷⁴ Plassart 1916, 195.⬈#endnote74

⁷⁵ For the Quartier de Skardhana see: Siebert 2001, 111-113.⬈#endnote75

⁷⁶ Plassart 1916, 207-228; Trümper 1998, 220-221, figs. 22-23.⬈#endnote76

⁷⁷ Plassart 1916, 222; Chamonard 1922, vol.1, 164-165; Trümper 1998, 220-221, 219, fig. 23.⬈#endnote77

⁷⁸ Chamonard 1922, vol. 1, 164-165.⬈#endnote78

⁷⁹ Plassart 1916, 222.⬈#endnote79

⁸⁰ Chamonard 1922, vol. 1, 111, 179-180. On lamps found in situ in Delian houses see: Seidel 2009, 27 (catalogue 7.1-7.7).⬈#endnote80

⁸¹ Chamonard 1922-24, vol. 1, 180. For a detailed description of the houses, with previous bibliography see: Trümper 1998, 255-257 (Maison du Trident), 301-303 (Maison de Dionysos).⬈#endnote81

⁸² On the identification of rooms for guests in the Delian houses see: Chamonard 1922, vol. 1, 179-181; Trümper 1998, 20-21.⬈#endnote82

⁸³ Siebert 2001, 85-98; Trümper 1998, 208-210; Rauh 1993, 215-219.⬈#endnote83

⁸⁴ Siebert 2001, 88-89.⬈#endnote84

⁸⁵ Siebert 2001, 87-88, 93-95.⬈#endnote85

⁸⁶ Siebert 2001, 87.⬈#endnote86

⁸⁷ On the seals: Boussac 1988, 1992, and 1993; Stampolidis 1992; Auda and Boussac 1996. Boussac (1993, 686) leaves open the possibility that the starting date of the archive might be 167 BCE. Rauh (1993, 217-218) proposes that the busts may represent the celebrated Roman bankers L. Aufidius Bassus and his son (maior et minor). See Marcadé (1988, pls. 17.2-3; 18.1) for examples of engraved portraits from the seals found in the house that have a similar style to that of the busts. For the portraits see: Hermary et al. 1996, 218-219; Stewart 1979, 71; Hallett 2005, 106-107.⬈#endnote87

⁸⁸ The houses of the Quartier de Skardhana were excavated in the 1960s and 1970s and have been better documented than the ones in the Quartier du Théâtre that were excavated at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries.⬈#endnote88

⁸⁹ Bruneau 1963, 870-871; Bruneau and Vatin 1970a, 38-39; Bruneau 1969, 765; Trümper (1998, 204) suggests that a bathtub would have been installed at the southwest part of room (E) and that this room was part of a bath facility that was later added to the house. She suggests that the operation of the purple dye workshop would have taken place after 88 BCE when the neighborhood was abandoned. There is no evidence to confirm whether the workshop operated before or after 88 BCE. However, why would one choose such a tight corner and not a larger space or even the courtyard of the house, which would presumably have been available as well after 88 BCE (if we assume that the house was abandoned at this time), for the purple dye workshop?⬈#endnote89

⁹⁰ Bruneau and Vatin 1970b, 98-100.⬈#endnote90

⁹¹ Trümper 1998, 206-207.⬈#endnote91

⁹² Trümper 1998, 207.⬈#endnote92

⁹³ For a discussion of the public-private areas and visual permeability in the Delian houses see Nevett 2011, 63-88.⬈#endnote93

⁹⁴ Cahill 2002, 223-264 (chapter 6, “The economies of Olynthus”), in particular 226-235; Ault 2005, 70-72.⬈#endnote94

⁹⁵ Chamonard 1922-24, vol. 1, 170-174 (oeci maiores), 174-176 (oeci minores).⬈#endnote95

⁹⁶ For the storage spaces in shops on Delos see: Karvonis 2008, 205-211.⬈#endnote96

⁹⁷ Karvonis and Malmary 2009.⬈#endnote97

⁹⁸ This door was closed as well as all the doors looking onto the Rue du Stade at the time of the initial excavation in 1912/13. Plassart 1916, 157-158.⬈#endnote98

⁹⁹ Siebert 2001, 25 and 33-34, îlot des bijoux, ruelle K; îlot III, ruelles β, γ.⬈#endnote99

¹⁰⁰ Brun 1999, 101-103.⬈#endnote100

¹⁰¹ See above n. 13.⬈#endnote101

¹⁰² Papageorgiou-Venetas 1981.⬈#endnote102

¹⁰³ For the location of shops categorized by material see: Karvonis 2008, 170-179.⬈#endnote103

¹⁰⁴ Perfume: Brun 1999; Purple dye: Bruneau 1969 and 1978.⬈#endnote104

¹⁰⁵ Karvonis 2008; Karvonis and Malmary 2009; 2012 (in press).⬈#endnote105

¹⁰⁶ Marcuse and van Kempen (eds.) 1999, esp. “Conclusion.”⬈#endnote106

¹⁰⁷ Martin 1977b.⬈#endnote107

¹⁰⁸ Purcell 1996, 274. The expression is by Cicero, Nat. D. 3.91, ‘hi duos illos oculos orae maritimae effodierunt.’ Purcell interprets this: the port as an eye of the city (Purcell 1996, 271-2). Puteoli was one of a group of five colonies in ora maritime, the other four being Liternum, Volturnum, Salernum and Bruxentum (Livy 32.29.3), D’Arms 1970, 1.⬈#endnote108

¹⁰⁹ Weber 1958, 70-71. Relying on Weber’s conceptualization of city models, Finley (1977, 1987-89) has argued that the Greek polis is a “consumer city.” However this view has been strongly challenged. See: Bresson 2000.⬈#endnote109

¹¹⁰ Orlandos 1936; Kiourtzian 2000, 47-60.⬈#endnote110

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